Francophonie map. Which countries speak French? Countries in America

list of countries where french is spoken
and got the best answer

Answer from Ўliya Vdovichenko[guru]
Countries where French is the national language:
Belgium Belgium
Benin Benin
Burkina Faso Burkina Faso
Burundi Burundi
Cameroon Cameroon
Canada Canada
Central African Republic Central African Republic
Chad Chad
Comoros Comoros
Democratic Republic of the Congo Democratic Republic of the Congo
Djibouti Djibouti
France France
Gabon Gabon
Guinea Guinea
Haiti
Ivory Coast Ivory Coast
Luxembourg Luxembourg
Madagascar Madagascar
Mali Mali
Monaco Monaco
Niger Niger
Republic of the Congo Republic of the Congo
Rwanda Rwanda
Senegal Senegal
Seychelles Seychelles
Switzerland Switzerland
Togo Togo
Vanuatu Vanuatu
Although French is not an official language in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia, Egypt and Lebanon, it is widely used in literature and cinema.
Source:
French in the world: Dark blue: mother tongue;
Blue: language of administration;
Blue: language of culture;
green: francophone minorities
Francophone refers to the geographical areas where French is spoken, or the totality of people who speak French. Francophonie (fr. La Francophonie) is an international intergovernmental organization of the French-speaking countries of the world. It unites 56 members representing various states or parts of the states of the world, as well as 14 observers. For a list of the countries of the Francophone Community, as well as information about its history and activities, see the page

Answer from 2 answers[guru]

Hello! Here is a selection of topics with answers to your question: a list of countries where French is spoken

Answer from Dasha Volchkova[newbie]
Class!

Answer from Yatiana Kulikova[newbie]
a very beautiful, melodious and romantic language, for centuries aristocrats and nobles spoke it. All the most beautiful things in this world come from France.

Name:

Francophonie, La Francophonie

Flag/Coat of Arms:

Status:

international cooperation organization

Structural units:

Secretariat,
Conference of Ministers of National Education of the Francophone States (CONFEMEN),
Francophonie Universities Agency,
Parliamentary Assembly of La Francophonie (APF),
Conference of Ministers of Youth and Sports (CONFEJES),
TV5, satellite channel operating 24 hours a day and with the status of a Francophonie operator

Activity:

At the initial stage, the cultural factor prevailed in the cooperation of the Francophone countries. Those. if initially it was created by “representatives of the Francophonie space who wish to participate in the spread of the French language”, then in 1997 its commissions were active in the areas of “cooperation and development, education, communications and cultural activities, politics and governance, parliamentary activities”, and in currently "it participates in the formation and strengthening of democratic institutions", organizes "inter-parliamentary cooperation", activities in the field of "peace, democracy and human rights". Thus, there was a significant politicization and expansion of the functions of this organization.

Official languages:

French

Participating countries:

Armenia, Albania, Andorra, Belgium, Benin, Bulgaria, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Vanuatu, Vietnam, Gabon, Haiti, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Greece,
Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Dominica, Egypt, Cape Verde, Cambodia, Cameroon, Canada, Cyprus, Comoros, Ivory Coast, Laos, Latvia, Lebanon, Luxembourg, Mauritius, Mauritania, Madagascar, Mali, Morocco, Moldova , Monaco, Niger, Republic of the Congo, Republic of Macedonia, Rwanda, Romania, Sao Tome and Principe, Seychelles, Senegal, Saint Lucia, Togo, Tunisia, Ukraine, France, Central African Republic, Chad, Switzerland, Equatorial Guinea

Story:

In 1958-1960, France granted independence to most of its African colonies. And already in the early 1960s. such leaders of the former colonies as L. S. Senghor (Senegal), A. Diori (Niger), J. Bourguiba (Tunisia), and N. Sihanouk (Cambodia) began to propose projects to maintain solidarity and strong ties with the former metropolis. If, for example, such a project seemed to Senghor "addressed to cultural and linguistic issues", then Bourguiba advocated regular negotiations between francophone countries.

French President Charles de Gaulle considered such proposals premature, but the ideas of African leaders were becoming more and more popular, and would still find their embodiment at the first Francophonie Summit (1986). It must be said that the French language, despite its official status in most of the former African colonies, is not widely spoken there in everyday communication. However, it is no coincidence that the leaders of these states were the initiators of the creation of the Francophonie: the French language plays a huge role in these countries. This language is used in the field of administrative management, has one or another distribution in the educational field, is the language of political elites, intellectuals, most of the modern press came out and comes out here in French. In addition, this language is, as it were, a way of integrating the unification of many small ethnic and tribal groups within countries. French is the language of international communication of these African states. But the most important thing is that, by developing cooperation with France and other rich francophone countries of the North (Switzerland, Belgium, Canada), African countries wanted to solve their economic problems, to get "access to modernization." If the last factor is most relevant to Africa, then the rest are also true for other francophone states of the South.

The Francophonie, which arose in the space of the former colonial empire of France, is often compared to the Commonwealth. However, the Francophonie itself from the very beginning positioned itself as a counterbalance to this association. French researchers believe that "the French Empire ... left a deep mark on the former colonies", expressed in the features of the administrative system and "in the cultural and linguistic spread of the French language." It is known that France, unlike Great Britain, used a direct method of governing the colonies. It is this political and cultural heritage that has made French the medium of communication between diverse cultures. Unlike the Commonwealth, the Francophonie is based on a common linguistic and cultural heritage, rather than the fact that members belong to a former colonial empire, and is "fearful of ... referring to the colonial past", which makes it "much more open" to entry.

However, since the 1970s a qualitatively new stage in the development of Francophonie begins. In 1969, the first conference of francophone states was held in Niamey (Niger). On March 20, 1970, the history of the institutional Francophonie begins, that is, a fundamentally new level of coordination efforts of the member states: the Agency for Cultural and Technical Cooperation (ACCT) was created. Its draft was developed by the Common Afro-Malagasy Organization (OCAM), the ACCT Charter was signed in Niamey by 21 states. The fact that the Agency was created only in 1970 can be explained by the fact that France was afraid of the "image of the colonialists", even though the ideas of such an organization were put forward by the leaders of the former colonies. Cooperation at the beginning was carried out mainly in the technical field. However, it was necessary to give the Francophonie greater importance in political and economic affairs. L. S. Senghor advocated holding the Summit of La Francophonie. In 1973, the first Franco-African summit was held in Paris (that is, Canada and Quebec were not present due to tensions between Paris and Ottawa over the possibility of recognizing Quebec as a state party). Since 1986, the Francophonie Summits have been held, at which all member states are present, the most important political and economic issues have been touched upon, cooperation programs have been adopted, and issues of joining new members have been resolved. The states with 4 statuses participate in the work of the Summits: full members, regions, associated states, observers; the status of a "special guest" is also provided for territories that do not have state status, but participate in the Summits and in any programs of the Organization (for example, these are Val d'Aosta, Louisiana, Catalonia). Of course, a wide range of statuses contributes to an increase in the number of states participating in one way or another in the activities of the Francophonie, respecting French culture and language as an alternative to English way of international communication. All this increases the international influence of Francophonie.

The first Summit was held in Paris in 1986. The heads of states and governments of 41 Francophone states attended the Summit, the main goal was to determine the main directions of joint activities. 28 practical solutions were developed within the framework of three strategic directions: 1) “permanent coordination of actions, allowing to play a real role in the world balance”; 2) "French, a way of progress and modernization" 3) "the establishment of specific and active programs." The desire to play an important role in international relations and "world balance" is, of course, more political and economic than cultural, the direction of development, which does not exclude even activities in the field of security. The French language is no longer seen as an exclusively cultural vector, but is associated with such political and economic categories as "progress" and "modernization". The establishment of specific programs allows us to talk about the transition from declarations to real actions.

At the second Summit in Quebec (Canada, 1987) there was a further institutionalization of the Francophonie; there was an increase in its economic role: the Francophonie Business Forum (Forum francophone des affaires) was created. Francophonie declared itself as an actor in world politics: resolutions were adopted on the most important international topics (the situation in Chad, Lebanon, the Middle East; the economic situation in the world, the environment).

The Third Summit in Dakar (Senegal, 1989) is important in the context of the beginning of the North-South dialogue within the Francophonie. A decision was made that embodies not promises, but real assistance to Africa: F. Mitterrand proposed to write off a debt of 16 billion francs to 35 African states.

The North-South dialogue was continued at the Chaillot Summit (France, 1991): the developed countries proclaimed the need for the democratization of African regimes as a condition for economic assistance, while the developing countries insisted on the impossibility of democratic transformations themselves without economic assistance. Thus, the economic and political dimensions of the activities of the Francophonie are intertwined and continue to intensify.

At the Mauritius Summit (1993) several important political and economic decisions were made. Regarding the political sphere, 2 topics were discussed: “Human Rights and Development”, “Unity in Diversity”. Decisions on these issues allowed the Francophonie to establish itself as a prominent participant in international relations. It is noteworthy that the Prime Minister of Mauritius, Anerade Jugnot, said: “La Francophonie cannot ... remain on the defensive until there is a consensus on the need for a stronger presence of our community in the political and diplomatic spheres. We must take steps to communicate clearly to the world and make clear the role we…are going to play. The time has come for the Francophonie to establish itself as a real force ... to achieve peace on Earth. Resolutions were adopted on the theme of peace and democracy, emphasizing the importance of peacekeeping activities through UN mechanisms. At the Summit, it was recognized that "the economy is one of the inseparable elements of the culture of peoples", which marks the establishment of a connection between the cultural and economic vectors of the Francophonie. The main parameters of economic cooperation between members were developed, including within the framework of GATT.

At the Summit in Cotonou (Benin, 1995), important political, economic and institutional changes took place. The new President of France, J. Chirac, advocated giving the Organization a qualitatively new political dimension; a number of political resolutions were adopted. An important fact for strengthening the political significance of the Francophonie was the establishment of the post of Secretary General, who received most of the political functions and was responsible for the activities of the entire Organization, which eliminated the duality of the functions of some bodies and strengthened the entire Francophonie. ACCT became an Agency of La Francophonie, headed by a General Administrator, responsible to a General Secretary, and acquired the role of Chief Operator of La Francophonie. Attention at the Summit was also given to such important economic issues as "regional economic cooperation and integration, support for private enterprises and partnerships of enterprises and actions that are conducive to strengthening economies."

The Hanoi Summit (Vietnam, 1997) became one of the most important in the history of the Organization. The first Secretary General, in order to give Francophonie "its full political dimension", was Boutros Boutros Ghali (the personality itself is of great importance, since Boutros Ghali was the UN Secretary General and therefore a priori has a certain political weight and experience). Significantly increases the importance of Francophonie in international relations on a global scale; from this Summit, she "will be able to act so that the planet does not experience the destructive effects of a unified culture." Obviously, her rejection of the global dominance of the English language is growing. It is also important to note that at this Summit the problems of conflict prevention in the Member States (security sphere) were discussed, the Organization also became involved in the activities of the world community to ensure human rights (legal sphere). With regard to economic cooperation, by this period, despite numerous political decisions, significant results were not achieved. Both objective reasons (the very large diversity of the Francophonie countries both geographically and socio-economically, the weakness of North-South economic contacts) and subjective ones (unwillingness to invest in the countries of the South, “Afropessimism” of European companies) have affected and are affecting. However, at present it can be stated that the economic space of La Francophonie has achieved significant success in the implementation of many projects, the improvement of economic relations between the North and the South.

At the Summit in Moncton (Canada, 1999), the attention of heads of state and government was drawn to the problem of strengthening democracy in the Francophonie states; subsequently, this issue will be discussed in more detail at the Symposium on Outcomes and Concrete Proposals on the Experience of Democracy in La Francophonie (2000). The summit in Beirut (Lebanon, 2002) is very important in the context of the politicization of La Francophonie. For the first time the Summit was held in an Arab country. The Beirut Declaration was adopted (to be discussed below); in connection with the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, international terrorism and intolerance were condemned, the priority of the dialogue of cultures in maintaining peace on the planet was declared; the Declaration included decisions on the most important issues of world politics. Abdou Diouf, former President of Senegal, became Secretary General. It is also important to note that Algeria was present at the Summit as a special guest of the Lebanese government, which may mark the beginning of the easing of contradictions between France and this former colony. The decision of the Summit to tighten the conditions for the admission of new members to the Francophonie is interesting, which is explained by the desire to “deepen rather than expand” interaction between members. Obviously, this reflects the trend towards the transformation of the Francophonie from a cultural forum into a well-organized structure with specific participants and clear political and economic goals. However, observer status remained open to countries interested in part in the affairs of La Francophonie, which fits into the logic of the political interest of expansion and the rhetoric of cultural diversity.

In November 2002, the International Symposium (Bamako, Mali) on the results of the experience of democracy, rights and freedoms in the Francophonie adopted the most important document relating to democracy, human rights, and their protection - the Bamako Declaration. This step was the most important indicator of the participation of the Francophonie in international political and legal life. At the Tenth Summit in Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso, 2004), two very significant documents were adopted: the Declaration of Ouagadougou (the main idea is “a common space for long-term development”, will be discussed below in the context of political issues) and the “Strategic ten-year plan” (2005-2014 ), which is an expression of the seriousness of the goals of the Francophonie, its ability to develop long-term development strategies and priority areas for specific activities. A number of political decisions were made (the situation in Côte d'Ivoire, in the Middle East); attention was paid to the information community (which is also one of the priorities of the Francophonie).

The Eleventh Francophonie Summit will be held in Bucharest (Romania) in 2006 with the theme "Education and New Information Technologies".

In Antananarivo (Madagascar) on November 23, 2005, the Conference of Ministers of La Francophonie adopted a new Charter of La Francophonie, which established a new name for the organization - Organization International de la Francophonie (OIF). Throughout its development, the association has turned from an exclusively cultural organization into an organization that claims to have a significant impact in international relations, in particular, in the areas of politics, economics, security, information technology, which, in turn, is combined with active cultural activities. The Francophonie has adopted a number of important decisions and documents in these areas and has drawn up a strategy for its future development.

Notes:

The main criterion for joining the organization is not the degree of knowledge of the French language of the population of a particular state (although this is welcome), but rather cultural ties with France that have developed over decades and even centuries.

Organization history

The term "francophonie" was first used in 1880 by the French geographer Onesime Reclus, who, in his scientific classification of the inhabitants of the planet, decided to proceed from the language they speak. Until the official establishment of Francophonie as an international institution, this concept denoted the geographical territories where the French language is spoken, or the totality of people who speak French. In 1968, the word "francophonie" is included in the dictionaries, where it receives two main meanings:

1. speak French, “be a Francophone”;

2. a community of peoples who speak French.

Now the term "La Francophonie" denotes an international intergovernmental organization.

Statistics representing the number of Francophones vary. This is due to the fact that there are several levels of Francophonie: firstly, it takes into account the inhabitants of countries where French is the only official language, or coexists with other official languages. Following are the inhabitants of those countries that have chosen French as the language of communication in parallel with the language of their country: this is a variant of many African countries. The third category is represented by people who use French as a tool of culture - in these countries, the language is additionally studied by choice in the system of secondary and higher education, as, for example, in the countries of the Maghreb, Egypt, Brazil, Argentina, Poland, Russia, etc.

Areas of cooperation

Francophonie and some problems of world politics

The politicization of the WPF is to a large extent expressed in its active participation (attempts to participate) in the most important matters of world politics. The Summits in Beirut (2002) and Ouagadougou (2004) are especially significant in this regard. The reasons for the political activation of the OIF since the Beirut Summit are both objective and subjective.

Obviously, the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 in the USA, the sharp increase in the terrorist threat, and the aggravation of the issue of Iraq belong to the former.

The latter include the general course of the WIF to increase its influence in the world, most clearly revealed since the Summit in Hanoi (1997). The Beirut Declaration was adopted in the Lebanese capital, which touched upon the most important issues of world politics. In the declaration, the most important principle of the WIF - the dialogue of cultures - is proclaimed as the main factor in establishing peace and combating terrorism, and thus turns into a real political tool. In particular, the heads of state and government stated: "We are convinced that the dialogue of cultures is a necessary condition in the search for peaceful solutions and makes it possible to fight against ... intolerance and extremism." The same thesis is put forward by Jacques Chirac: "Dialogue of cultures is the best antidote to the risk of a clash of civilizations."

These include not only countries in which the Voltaire language is recognized as official, but also those in which most of the inhabitants speak French. There are nine such states in the world. In addition, there are countries where French is the official language only in certain regions. The article provides a complete list of French-speaking countries.

Official language

The language spoken and written by Balzac has a privileged status in the following states:

• Wallis and Futuna.
• Burkina Faso.
• Benin.
• Ivory Coast.
• Mali.
• Mayotte.
• Senegal.
• Jersey.

This is not a complete list. The list of French-speaking countries of the world above should also include France and French Polynesia, as well as the states that are briefly described below.

Wallis and Futuna

This country consists of several islands located in the South Pacific Ocean. They are located between New Zealand and Hawaii. The capital of this French-speaking country is Mata Utu. The population is 12 thousand people.

Burkina Faso

The state until 1984 had a different name - Upper Volta. It is located in the western part of the Black Continent. The capital is Ouagadougou. More than 17 million people live in this French-speaking African country.

Benin

The population of the country is 8.5 million people. Benin, like Burkina Faso, is located in West Africa. It is noteworthy that this country has two capitals. Porto-Novo - official. Cotonou - financial.

Gabon

The official name of this French-speaking country located in Gabonese Republic. The capital of the state is Libreville. 1.8 million people live here. Not everyone speaks French. Gabon has many languages ​​and dialects. However, the same can be said about other French-speaking countries.

Guiana

In Lebanon, the official language is Arabic. The country is located in the Middle East, on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea. The capital is Beirut.

Switzerland is a European state with a population of eight million people. This country has no capital. But the government, as before, is in Bern. The Swiss speak French, German, Italian. Inhabitants of some regions - in Romansh. French-speaking Swiss make up 18% of the population.

Belgium is home to 11 million people. This small country has three official languages. Most speak Dutch. French speech can be heard in the Brussels and Walloon regions. German - in Liege.

Other countries where French is one of the official languages: Canada, Burundi, Vanuatu, Haiti, Djibouti, Cameroon, Comoros, Luxembourg, Madagascar, Seychelles, Rwanda, Chad, CAR, Equatorial Guinea.

Former French colonies, overseas territories and dominions

French in the world
Dark blue: native language;
Blue: language of administration;
Blue: language of culture;
green: francophone minorities

Organization history

The latter include the general course of the WIF to increase its influence in the world, most clearly revealed since the Summit in Hanoi (1997). The Beirut Declaration was adopted in the Lebanese capital, which touched upon the most important issues of world politics. In the declaration, the most important principle of the WIF - the dialogue of cultures - is proclaimed as the main factor in establishing peace and combating terrorism, and thus turns into a real political tool. In particular, the heads of state and government stated: "We are convinced that the dialogue of cultures is a necessary condition in the search for peaceful solutions and makes it possible to fight against ... intolerance and extremism." The same thesis is put forward by Jacques Chirac: "Dialogue of cultures is the best antidote to the risk of a clash of civilizations."

On the issue of a Middle East settlement, the ministers recalled the need for "the immediate resumption of a peaceful settlement on the basis of the principles agreed upon at the Madrid conference and the relevant UN resolutions." The OPF supported the Arab peace initiative, including regarding territories in exchange for peace and regarding Palestinian refugees (the plan of Prince Abdullah Ben Abdulaziz of Saudi Arabia, demanding a complete settlement of the Palestinian problem and the liberation of the territories occupied in 1967). By evaluating the Arab initiative as "the most acceptable plan to arrive at a correct, stable and global solution in the region", by supporting the Lebanese people in their efforts in the face of various challenges, by making Algeria's participation in the affairs of the OIF possible, the Francophonie has strengthened ties with the Arab world.

One of the central issues raised by the OIF was the problem of Iraq. The heads of state and government said: "We defend the primacy of international law and ... the UN and remind of the collective responsibility to resolve the Iraqi crisis, and to Iraq - to fully comply with all its obligations." The OIF recalled that Iraq had agreed to the resumption of UN inspections. Member States were categorically opposed to the use of force. J. Chirac, in particular, stated that the decision to use force “can be taken only in case of legitimate self-defense or by decision of international competent authorities. It may be about making Iraq respect its obligations, resuming the Palestinian-Israeli peace process, resolving conflicts in Africa, but the same logic should inspire us, because only it will confidently guarantee us from adventurous temptations.” The last phrase obviously refers to the US and UK's attempts to push through the UN Security Council a decision on forceful intervention in Iraq. France in this situation was at the forefront of disrupting all the initiatives of Bush and Blair, and it is logical that she was able to pass a decision in the WPF to condemn attempts at military intervention. At the same time, the reasons for the actions of Paris, for which the cultural factor in foreign policy is very important, lie not so much in realistic attempts to establish itself in the status of a great power, but in ideological, including linguistic, discrepancies between the United States and France. The confrontation takes place "against the background of the confrontation between the liberal-optimistic picture of the world ... and the concept of the necessary multipolarity."

And in this context, the decisions of the Beirut Declaration do not look like an empty phrase: they reflect the cultural contradictions between the Francophone world and the United States, which personifies globalism and hegemonism. The antagonisms are obvious: cultural diversity as a path to peace versus the "clash of civilizations" and interventionism; support for the Arab world and fear of the Islamic threat. The WPF positions itself as a true defender of democracy, while the United States, according to Boutros-Ghali, has moved away from the great past (Wilson as the father of the League of Nations, Roosevelt is one of the authors of the UN) and has become "the only gendarmes of the planet." Thus, the contradictions between the Francophonie and the United States (the symbol of globalism) were filled with specific political content at the Summit in Beirut. Another important issue discussed in Lebanon was the situation in Côte d'Ivoire. The WPF condemned the attempt to seize power in the country by force, called for refraining from violence and resolving the conflict exclusively by peaceful means. The OIF supported the efforts of CEDEAO (Economic Community of West African States) to establish dialogue between the parties as the only path to reconciliation, as well as the mediation of the Secretary General of the OIF. The OIF welcomed the formation of the African Union on 9 July 2002 in Durban. The Francophonie sees far-reaching prospects in the AU. A. Diouf believes that the current situation requires that Africa become a confederation, that common economic, social and legal spaces be established here. Otherwise, individual small states will not be able to overcome the crisis and integrate into the global world, and destructive redivision of borders will continue. However, "it is useless to hope to impose a confederation from above". This implies the need to develop civil initiatives (activities of non-governmental organizations, participation of youth, women, etc.), which are exactly what the WPF is engaged in. Consequently, the OIF is trying to participate in determining the fate of Africa in partnership with the AU and CEDEAO, clearly demonstrating a desire to consolidate African states in one way or another (there is no mention of language here at all). The Beirut Declaration also welcomes the AU's adoption of the New Partnership for Africa's Development (NEPAD), as well as the endorsement of the Action Plan for Africa at the G8 Kananaskis Summit in June 2002, and calls for harmonization of all these projects and OIF activities.

The next Summit, which is also important politically, was the Summit in Ouagadougou. It adopted the Ouagadougou Declaration, a significant part of which is devoted to the resolution of regional conflicts. On the issue of a Middle East settlement, it stated that the heads of state and government of the OIF “adopted a resolution calling for the resumption of the peace process and the mobilization of the international community to facilitate the holding of elections in the Palestinian territories,” and also supported efforts to establish free zones in the Middle East from weapons of mass destruction, according to UN resolutions. On Iraq, the commitment to the principle of territorial integrity and the establishment of the full sovereignty of the state was confirmed, all parties were called upon to follow UNSCR 1546, the OIF welcomed the declaration adopted at the international conference in Sharm el-Sheikh (November 23, 2004) on the future of Iraq. The Declaration made a number of judgments regarding the peace processes in Haiti, Côte d'Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Sao Tome and Principe, Equatorial Guinea, the Great Lakes region, CAR, Darfur province in Sudan. On the situation in these states or regions, there is close cooperation between the OIF and the UN, the AU, the CPLP, CEDEAO, the EU, in addition, it is significant that the focus of the OIF was not so much on the former colonies, but on all the problematic regions of Africa, which reflects the ever-increasing activation "African direction" of its political activity.

Thus, the activities of the WIF in recent years have reflected many of the most important processes in world politics, which is favored by both important objective movements in international relations and the desire to strengthen the political role of the WIF itself. At the same time, cultural-linguistic and political factors are closely intertwined and, in general, oppose similar factors of Western policy, primarily the United States. Such contradictions are deep and lie not so much in the sphere of realism, but in the worldview and postmodern discrepancies. The active foreign policy of France, in which the cultural factor occupies an important place and which is largely implemented within the framework of the OIF, contributes to filling these contradictions with real and potentially significant content.