Post-Soviet countries

Russian Federation and Near Abroad- the former republics of the USSR in the sphere of Russia's geopolitical interests - form the post-Soviet geopolitical space. In a dramatically changed system of geopolitical coordinates, new interstate relations are being formed between them. They are compounded by a heavy Soviet legacy, to which new difficulties and divisions have been added over the past decade, providing a breeding ground for instability, tension and conflict.

The main threats to the global order emanating from the post-Soviet space are reduced to such as the uncontrolled leakage of materials and technologies suitable for the production of nuclear and chemical weapons; territorial claims fraught with escalation into conflicts and wars; nationalism and religious fundamentalism capable of encouraging intolerance and ethnic cleansing; man-made and environmental disasters; unmanaged migration processes; drug business; strengthening of international terrorism, etc.

Arbitrarily established borders between the republics during the Soviet period former USSR today have become a potential source of various conflicts. For example, the ethno-cultural territory of the Ferghana Valley, which was united in the past, was divided between Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan. Added to this were the territorial changes made during the Soviet era.

As a result, at present there are over 10 territorial problems in Central Asia that “heat up” interstate and ethnic conflicts. The "feeding ground" for the emergence of conflicts is also created by the problems that have survived in the region as a result of the forced deportations of repressed peoples here. An important conflict factor in Central Asia is migration caused by agrarian overpopulation, lack of jobs, distortions in demographic policy.

Russia's main national interest- the preservation of the sovereignty, integrity and unity of the country - determines the main directions of its policy in the post-Soviet space. Russia is primarily interested in preventing the transformation of the near abroad into a zone of interethnic and other conflicts. It is quite possible that the Chechen and Ossetian-Ingush conflicts were largely prepared by the Karabakh, Ossetian-Georgian and Georgian-Abkhazian conflicts. It is possible that if there had been no Abkhazian tragedy, there would have been no Chechen war.

By and large, Russia's security will depend on how it develops relations with Ukraine, Belarus, Kazakhstan and other CIS countries. The economic, political, spiritual, cultural presence in these countries meets the long-term national interests of Russia. One of the most important factors dictating Russia's activity in the near abroad is the fate of the more than 25 million Russians living there. The plight of Russians, more broadly Russian-speakers, has become one of the major issues fueling tensions in Russia's relations with a number of newly independent states. But with favorable developments, they are able to throw a solid bridge between Russia and its new neighbors.

Taking into account the vectors of development and the interests of these countries, the system of Russia's relations with them acquires a multi-tiered character, combining different levels and scales of relations with different countries. Russia represents a strategic axis for the entire post-Soviet space. Its territorial dimensions, human and resource base, economic, scientific and technical, intellectual and military potential objectively make it a regional leader. The reality is that with all the sympathies or antipathies of certain politicians of the countries of the near abroad who seek to focus on this or that country or group of countries, the Russian factor will necessarily be present in all their foreign policy endeavors.

At the first stage, when the new states were going through a period of centrifugal tendencies and processes, the search for a new identity and new guidelines and models of economic, social and political development, many leaders of the new post-Soviet states were haunted by the idea of ​​how to distance themselves from Russia and the imperial past identified with it. This is a kind of romantic period, when there is a very great temptation to take wishful thinking and associate high expectations and hopes with the proposed innovations. But the history, the past cannot be crossed out overnight. Russia is not only the past, but also the present of these countries, from which you can’t get away either. Many of the former Soviet republics are beginning to realize that none of them alone is capable of embarking on the path of accelerated economic development and democratic restructuring. Neither the declaration of independence, nor the new state borders are able to simply cancel the reality of the economic interdependence of countries and peoples in the post-Soviet space, interrupt the wide network of economic, military, political, cultural, just personal human ties that united people within the framework of the former Soviet Union.

There is every reason to hope that at the end of the period of dominance of centrifugal tendencies, the new states will be forced to look not for what separates them, but for what unites them. Considerations of economic interests and benefits are increasingly affecting the priority of the political factor.

Initially, almost all the former republics were convinced that secession from Russia, which allegedly exploited them, would in itself open up the opportunity for economic prosperity for them. However, such hopes soon became unfounded. It became clear that they were suffering from the rupture of ties no less, if not more, than Russia. This largely determines the recent trend towards a revival of interest in the majority of new CIS countries in the CIS.

It should also be noted that, especially at first, it was rather difficult for the leaders of individual republics to understand that the declaration of sovereignty entails full responsibility for the social and economic well-being of their peoples. In each of the newly formed states, the collapse of the USSR led to the destruction of two the most important pillars political stability and security. We are talking, first of all, about the party-state and a unified system of military-political protection, both from external and internal threats. Thus, the troops inherited by a number of new states did not represent any semblance of groupings with any clearly defined control organs, mobilization deployment schemes, echeloned stocks of materiel, and so on. In addition, most of these states have no experience in military development and defense organization. They are experiencing an acute shortage of senior military personnel.

The ruling elite of these countries needs political and military support from Russia to ensure stability in the region, to localize possible territorial disputes and ethno-religious conflicts, creating their own armies and strengthening defense capabilities, counteracting the growing strength of Islamic fundamentalism, etc.

It should be noted that the initial euphoria in the Transcaucasian and Central Asian states regarding both the West and the Muslim world, which after the collapse of the USSR began to be considered by them as acceptable “donors” and partners, has recently been replaced by a certain sobering and even disappointment. With the continued attractiveness of the Turkish model of development for some post-Soviet Muslim countries, it is becoming more and more obvious that they had somewhat exaggerated expectations regarding the possibilities and scale of economic assistance and investment from Turkey.

Of particular importance is the fact that Russia plays a key role in ensuring and maintaining stability in most of the post-Soviet space. It is able to participate both directly and indirectly in the political processes taking place in the region. In addition, over the period since the collapse of the USSR, with all possible reservations here, Russia has demonstrated its ability to be a stabilizing factor, as in own borders as well as in neighboring countries. Without exception, all CIS countries need a creative, peace-making Russia, not an aggressive and unstable one.

Almost all countries of the near abroad, especially those that are part of the CIS, are connected with Russia by many inseparable threads. The economy of the countries of the near abroad is focused primarily on Russia. Let's consider this on the example of Central Asia. Russia and this region are parts of a single national economic complex, formed as a system with complementary elements. Central Asia is rich in raw materials, which are either completely absent in Russia or available in insufficient quantities. It is impossible not to mention cotton, the main supplier of which to Russia is Central Asia.

In Central Asia, Kazakhstan is of particular importance for the national interests of Russia with its very advantageous geopolitical position, natural resources, ethnic composition etc. It should be noted in this connection that the Karaganda Metallurgical Plant alone supplies Russia with about two million tons of rolled products per year. Kazakhstan is one of those countries with which economic integration and military-political alliance are of great importance for Russia.

It should also be noted that the withdrawal of the Russian border troops to the new frontiers that run along the Caucasus Range and northern Kazakhstan is associated with many difficult problems of a material, technical and military-strategic order, which most directly affect the security interests of both Russia and and the independent states themselves. It is obvious that at present Russia does not have the necessary resources to build a network of fortifications along new frontier with the new Central Asian and Transcaucasian countries. At the same time, it is also of no small importance that these countries are not yet able to ensure order on the border without Russia's help.

It is quite natural that Russia pays great attention to strengthening integration ties within the CIS. In the first period after the collapse of the USSR, the development of Russia's foreign policy strategy in relation to the near abroad was partly complicated by the fact that the political situation in most of the former Soviet republics was subject to rapid changes. The formation and approval of the relevant attributes of statehood were difficult, there was no clear understanding of national-state interests. Often, the new authorities were unable to perform the most important functions inherent in the state, such as ensuring stability in the country, internal and external security, social and economic development, effective control over state borders, etc.

We have to admit that initially politicians and statesmen of the newly independent republics with great difficulty managed to overcome unprofessionalism and dilettantism, learn the art of government, search for compromises, and take into account the interests of the most important blocs of social and political forces.

It turned out that for the majority of post-Soviet states, an imperative condition for viability and existence itself is the constant search for a compromise between various ethno-national groups. It cannot be said that such compromises have always been found or sought for. Often the formation and institutionalization of the new statehood was accompanied by the infringement of democratic rights and freedoms of both individual citizens and national minorities. It can be argued that the imperial ambitions of Russia have been replaced by the imperial ambitions of some new states. This situation was not the most favorable ground for the formation of any consistent, long-term and effective foreign policy strategy of Russia in relation to the near abroad.

The turning point in Russia's policy towards the former Soviet republics can be considered the beginning of 1993, when it launched efforts to expand its political, military, and economic influence in the near abroad. The activities of the CIS gradually began to intensify, which included 12 former Soviet republics (Azerbaijan, Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Ukraine).

Particularly successful integration processes are unfolding between Russia, Kazakhstan, Belarus and Kyrgyzstan. The quadripartite treaty between these countries proclaimed as its goal the creation of "in the future a community of integrated states." Far-reaching prospects for integration are also outlined in Russian-Belarusian relations.

Occupying a unique geopolitical position in Eurasia, possessing sufficient economic, military and spiritual potential and maintaining the status of a nuclear power, Russia is a natural center of attraction for most countries of the near abroad when creating their collective security system. It is indicative that the greatest progress, from the point of view of the integration of the post-Soviet space, is observed in the military-political sphere. On December 9, 1992, in Bishkek, the Agreement on the Concept of Military Security of the CIS Member States was signed, which fixed the general principles and guidelines for defense construction and strategies for maintaining peace and stability in the region.

Integration processes in the military field within the framework of the CIS are developing along the path of forming the so-called "single military-political space." In this direction, steps have been taken to recreate a single information space of the missile defense system. On the basis of bilateral agreements, the status of the presence of Russian troops on the territory of some CIS countries was determined, and the legal problems of creating Russian military bases in the Transcaucasian countries were resolved.

For Russia, the need to integrate the post-Soviet space is connected, first of all, with geopolitical goals and long-term prospects for the development of its economy. It is interested in maintaining access to the raw materials of Central Asia and markets for its goods, as well as in creating a belt of friendly and dependent states along the perimeter of its borders. Cooperation between Russia and the CIS countries can develop in the form of a payment and customs union, the creation of interstate industry associations and international financial and industrial corporations, etc. Economic, and then, possibly, political integration within the CIS would help to alleviate the acuteness of border and territorial problems that are important for many post-Soviet countries.

When developing a foreign policy strategy in relation to the Commonwealth countries, one has to take into account that in the entire post-Soviet space and adjacent territories, the geopolitical situation has changed dramatically, in terms of the prospects for the development of various regions, as a result of the end of the cold war” and opposition of two blocks. Thus, the disintegration of the USSR and the formation of new independent states on the southern outskirts of Russia generally meet the interests of Turkey, Iran, China and other countries of the region, since it provides an opportunity to draw these new states into the orbit of their own interests.

But one should not underestimate the fact that almost each of these countries has its own problems associated with national minorities, which for many decades from time to time significantly complicate the internal political situation in them. This is the problem of significant enclaves of the Kurdish population in Turkey, Iraq and Iran, Azerbaijanis in Iran, Tibet and other national regions in China, and so on.

Thus, the Turkish authorities systematically suppress by force the movement of the Kurdish people, who make up 20% of the total population of the country, for national self-determination. Kurds, Armenians, Greeks, Circassians and other national minorities are prohibited from publishing newspapers in their native languages. Realizing that the situation in Central Asia, Kazakhstan and the Caucasus, under certain circumstances, can have a destabilizing effect on the situation in the country, the Turkish leadership invariably stands for the territorial integrity and inviolability of the borders of the Transcaucasian states.

It is obvious that Turkey, as well as other countries of the region, is interested in maintaining stability in the post-Soviet countries, based on the principles of international law, national sovereignty, territorial integrity, and non-interference in internal affairs. With a great deal of confidence, we can talk about the coincidence of interests of Russia, Iran, Turkey and other multinational countries in the issue of preventing uncontrolled ethnic conflicts and separatist actions. The Transcaucasian states are also interested in close cooperation and good neighborly relations with all countries of the region. At present, Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan are actively developing relations both among themselves and with their neighbors.

The area of ​​potential crisis in the post-Soviet space is the Caspian Sea. The most important problem here is that its international legal status has not yet been determined. Until the 20s of the XX century. Russia was the only sovereign over the Caspian Sea, and only she had the right to have a navy there. In accordance with the Soviet-Iranian treaties of 1921 and 1940. only Soviet and Iranian ships were allowed to sail on it. But these documents did not provide any rules for access to its mineral resources.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the number of applicants for the Caspian Sea increased to five - Russia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan. In the absence of recognized by all interested parties state borders in its water area, oil at the bottom of the Caspian, from a legal point of view, turns out to be like no one's. This uncertainty and huge oil reserves put littoral states before serious problems. At the same time, the lack of unity between the interested parties on the issue of dividing the Caspian attracts attention. So, if Russia, Iran and Turkmenistan are in favor of joint use of its subsoil, then Azerbaijan proposes to divide the reservoir into national sectors. Kazakhstan, on the other hand, is in favor of dividing only the seabed. It is obvious that the problem of Caspian oil will be solved in conjunction with all other problems.

Summing up the geopolitical situation in the post-Soviet space, we can state that the period of the most dangerous destabilization has already been passed. It was caused by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the difficult establishment of new statehood in Russia and other former Soviet republics. Destabilization is being replaced by greater stability in their relations and in their geopolitical position, which affects their security interests. Consolidation of the geopolitical integrity of the Commonwealth reinforces the foreign policy potential of Russia and other new sovereign states.

At the same time, in the post-Soviet geopolitical space for the national security of Russia there are still very serious threats. Although the space around Russia has not turned, contrary to pessimistic predictions, into a zone of catastrophic upheavals, Russia cannot feel completely comfortable in the neighborhood of fledgling, fragile new independent states that are experiencing enormous internal difficulties and have not fully determined their foreign policy orientation.

It is quite obvious that even with a relatively stable situation in the post-Soviet space, all territorial and other claims to Russian Federation, the difficult situation of the Russian-speaking population in the near abroad, the problems of migration and refugees, the development of political and military relations with the outside world, the complex reorganization of economic relations, the disruption of communications, the supply of energy resources, and much more. Under such conditions, new threats to stability cannot be avoided, especially in the event of a resumption of military conflicts in the immediate vicinity of Russia, for example, Georgian-Abkhazian or Azerbaijani-Armenian border violations, attacks on Russian military facilities in neighboring Commonwealth states, etc. Such conflict situations may continue to threaten uncontrolled escalation.

post-soviet space for, post-soviet space series
, also known as republics of the former USSR, CIS and Baltic countries or Near Abroad(in contrast to the far abroad - countries that were never part of the USSR), are independent states that seceded from the Soviet Union during its collapse in 1991.

The term was coined by Algis Prazauskas in the article "CIS as a post-colonial space" published on February 7, 1992 in Nezavisimaya Gazeta.

The post-Soviet states are the subject of various studies in the field of geography, history, politics, economics and culture.

• 1 Population
• 2 States and geographic regions
  • 2.1 Historical connections
  • 2.2 CIS and Baltics
• 3 New Union
  • 3.1 Union State of Russia and Belarus
  • 3.2 Eurasian Union
• 4 Regional organizations
  • 4.1 Commonwealth of Independent States
  • 4.2 Organization of the Collective Security Treaty
  • 4.3 GUAM
  • 4.4 Eurasian Economic Community
  • 4.5 Central Asian Cooperation
  • 4.6 Shanghai Cooperation Organization
• 5 Other opinion
• 6 Economy
• 7 Wars and conflicts
  • 7.1 Separatist conflicts
  • 7.2 Civil wars
  • 7.3 Coup d'état
  • 7.4 Revolutions
  • 7.5 Color revolutions
  • 7.6 Political crises
• 8 Notes
• 9 Links

Population

The population of the post-Soviet space is about 277 million people. according to 2007 data. Almost all the people there speak Russian well. Confessional composition: Christians, Muslims. In all post-Soviet states, national languages ​​are spoken after the collapse of the USSR. The exceptions are Kazakhstan and Belarus. There, Russian is spoken by a sufficient part of the population to recognize Russian as the state language, on a par with the national one.

States and geographic regions

Post-Soviet states are usually divided into the following five groups. The principle by which the state is assigned to one group or another is based on geographical and cultural factors, as well as on the history of relations with Russia.

• Russia usually regarded as a separate category, due to its dominant role in the region.
• the Baltics: Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia.
• Eastern Europe: Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova.
• Transcaucasia: Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan.
• central Asia: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan.

Historical connections

Russia is historically connected with the East Slavic post-Soviet states, since its statehood was formed on their territory. Its roots go back to a common proto-state ( Kievan Rus). Subsequently, the territories of Ukraine and Belarus were part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the Commonwealth, Austria-Hungary, and Poland.

Main article: Central Asian possessions of the Russian Empire

Central Asia and Transcaucasia were annexed to the Russian Empire only in the 18th and 19th centuries.

Main article: Sections of the Commonwealth

The Baltic countries (with the exception of Lithuania, in the Middle Ages - the Grand Duchy of Lithuania) were under the rule of the Teutonic Order, Denmark, Poland and Sweden for significant periods of their existence before being annexed to the Russian Empire in the 18th century, and became independent states after the First world war.

Main article: Accession of the Baltic states to the USSR

According to the official position of the USSR, confirmed by the Russian Foreign Ministry, the entry of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia into the USSR in 1940 complied with all the norms of international law as of 1940. While recognizing the integrity of the USSR's borders as of June 1941 de facto at the Yalta and Potsdam conferences, a number of Western states at the same time refused to recognize this fact de jure until 1975, when the participants of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe in Helsinki signed the Final Act of the Conference , recognized the inviolability European borders in general, and thus the legitimacy of the borders of the USSR in 1975.

CIS and Baltics

CIS and Baltic States (CIS and Baltic) - the name of 15 modern states that until 1991 were the union republics of the USSR, and in 1991-1992. declared their sovereignty (declared their independence).

Until 2009, the concept of "CIS and the Baltic states" was territorially identical to the concept of "post-Soviet space". In 2009, Georgia withdrew from the CIS.

The phrase arose after December 1991, when the Baltic republics (Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia) refused to join the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States) - a regional international organization created by the Belovezhskaya Accords on the basis of the former Soviet republics of the USSR and designed to regulate relations between these new independent states .

New Union

Back in the days of the collapse of the USSR, it was proposed to create a confederal Union of Sovereign States (USG), which seven republics (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) agreed to enter on November 14, 1991. The SSG was never created.

Union State of Russia and Belarus

The idea of ​​a new union has found a real embodiment in the form of the Union State of Russia and Belarus, which is in the stage of soft confederation and so far includes only two former union republics.

Confederate Union of Russia and Belarus or Union State of Russia and Belarus was organized on April 2, 1997 on the basis of the earlier (April 2, 1996) established Community of Russia and Belarus. The idea of ​​its creation belonged to the President of Belarus A. Lukashenko.

Eurasian Union

In the mid-90s, for some time, the proposal of the President of Kazakhstan N. Nazarbayev dated March 29, 1994 to organize a Eurasian Union of five republics (Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Tajikistan) was considered, but then was not agreed upon.

In 2011, Vladimir Putin returned to the idea of ​​a Eurasian Union based on Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan.

Regional organizations

After the collapse of the USSR, several international organizations and commonwealths.

The three Baltic states did not join any of these post-Soviet organizations, their course was initially and unambiguously aimed at integrating only into the Western world (including joining the European Union and NATO).

Commonwealth of Independent States

Commonwealth of Independent States(CIS) is an interstate association created to develop cooperation in the political, economic, humanitarian, cultural and other fields. it included all the former republics of the USSR, except for the Baltic states. Turkmenistan and Ukraine are "associated members" of the CIS, while Georgia, which declared its withdrawal from the CIS after the war in South Ossetia, ceased to be a member of the CIS on August 18, 2009.

Collective Security Treaty Organization

The CSTO includes Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Armenia. The task of the CSTO is to coordinate and unite efforts in the fight against international terrorism and extremism, illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances.

Azerbaijan, Georgia and Uzbekistan left the CSTO.

GUAM members CSTO members

GUAM

The "Organization for Democracy and Economic Development - GUAM" currently (after the withdrawal of Uzbekistan) includes four members: Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova. GUAM viewed by many as an organization created to counter Russian dominance in the region. The GUAM member states are not included in any other organization created on the territory of the former USSR, with the exception of the CIS.

Eurasian Economic Community

Eurasian Economic Community(EurAsEC) was created by Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on the basis of Customs Union CIS. Armenia, Moldova, Ukraine have the status of observers in this community. Ukraine has previously stated that it does not intend to obtain full membership in this community, although later Ukrainian President V. Yanukovych, in a conversation with V. Putin, said that Ukraine was thinking about the EurAsEC. Moldova also does not plan to fully join the organization, since one of the conditions necessary for this is the presence common borders with member states of the community. Uzbekistan agreed to join the organization in October 2005, when the process of unification of the Central Asian Cooperation Organization and the Eurasian Economic Community began. Uzbekistan joined the organization as a full member on January 25, 2006.

Central Asian Cooperation

Central Asian Cooperation(CAC) was established in 2002. On October 6, 2005, at the CAC summit, it was decided, in connection with the forthcoming accession of Uzbekistan to the Eurasian Economic Community, to prepare documents for the creation of a united organization CAC-EurAsEC, that is, in fact, it was decided to abolish the CAC.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization

Shanghai Cooperation Organization(SCO) consists of China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The organization was founded in 2001 on the basis of the previous organization, which was called Shanghai Five, and has existed since 1996. The tasks of the organization are mainly related to security issues.

Another opinion

According to British Foreign Secretary David Miliband, the concept of a post-Soviet space is outdated:

In my opinion, the Russians want to use the concept of the so-called "post-Soviet space", not realizing that the former republics of the USSR bordering Russia are independent countries with sovereign borders.

I find this unacceptable. Ukraine, Georgia and others are not "post-Soviet space". These are independent sovereign countries with their own right of territorial integrity.

Economy

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the former Soviet republics chose capitalism as their new economic system. Gross domestic product in all former Soviet republics declined very quickly. In 1994 inflation reached 400% in Ukraine and 1258% in Kazakhstan. At the same time, the Baltic countries maintained a relatively low level of inflation (in Lithuania it reached only 45.1%). The worst level of the economic situation in the former Soviet republics was recorded in 1995. In 2004, only the Baltic states, Armenia, Belarus and Kazakhstan achieved a level of gross domestic product higher than in 1991. Russia in 1998 burst economic crisis. However, in the 2000s, Russia entered the top ten countries in terms of total GDP.

Wars and conflicts

Vladimir Kryuchkov, chairman of the KGB of the USSR in 1988-1991, stated in an interview in late 2003:

In ten years, from 1991 to 2000, we lost more than 750,000 of our citizens in these conflicts alone. About three and a half million more were injured. 12 million people in the former republics of the Union turned into outcasts, refugees, forced to abandon their homes and property and move to places where there was at least some possibility of survival.

Separatist conflicts

Most military conflicts on the territory of the former USSR are associated with separatism and the desire of some territories with different national and religious composition to separate from the state, of which they are officially a part.

Some territories and military conflicts that have arisen there:

• Transnistria And Gagauzia, conflicts for independence from Moldavia
• Abkhazia And South Ossetia, conflicts for independence from Georgia.
• Chechen Republic of Ichkeria, the conflict for the independence of the republic from Russia.
• Nagorno-Karabakh, the conflict for independence from Azerbaijan.
• Donetsk People's Republic And Luhansk People's Republic, the conflict for the independence of the regions from Ukraine. At the end of May 2014, the republics announced the creation of a union Novorossiya, claiming the entire south-east of Ukraine.

After two periods of bloody armed clashes (the first and second Chechen wars), Chechnya has now returned to the authority of the federal government.

The Republic of Gagauzia was peacefully reintegrated into Moldova in 1994, while gaining autonomy.

Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia gained de facto independence, de jure independence of Abkhazia and South Ossetia was recognized by Russia, Nicaragua, Venezuela, Nauru, Tuvalu and some unrecognized states. All these territories have Russian military presence. Nagorno-Karabakh is also de facto independent and is under the control of the Armenian armed forces, as well as the adjacent territories of Azerbaijan. In 2001, these unrecognized states concluded an agreement between themselves on the creation of the Commonwealth of Unrecognized States (CIS-2).

Civil wars

Twice in the region there were civil wars not related to separatism.

• Civil War in Georgia(1991-1993), between the forces of Zviad Gamsakhurdia and Eduard Shevardnadze. The war ended after Russian troops supported Shevardnadze's government in exchange for Georgia's entry into the CIS.
• Civil war in Tajikistan (1992-1997).

coups d'état

• Dispersal of the Supreme Soviet of Russia(1993) - due to the conflict between the President of the Russian Federation Boris Yeltsin and the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation.
• euromaidan(2013-2014) - the conflict between the Government of Ukraine and supporters of integration into the EU.

revolutions

• Revolution in Kyrgyzstan(2010) - removal from power of Kurmanbek Bakiyev.

color revolutions

In the three republics of the former USSR, after the elections, the so-called color revolutions who brought the opposition to power:

• 2003 - "Rose Revolution" in Georgia.
• 2004 - "Orange Revolution" in Ukraine.
• 2005 - "Tulip Revolution" in Kyrgyzstan.

In other republics of the former USSR, mass actions took place, which were often qualified as attempts at color revolutions:

• 2006 - an attempt at the Vasilkovo revolution in Belarus.
• 2008 - an attempt at a color revolution in Armenia.
• 2009 - an attempt at a color revolution in Moldova.
• 2011 - revolution through social networks in Belarus.
• 2011 - Snow revolution in South Ossetia.
• 2011-2013 - protest movement in Russia.

Political crises

• The constitutional crisis in Russia (1992-1993) is a conflict between two political forces: on the one hand, the President of Russia B.N. Yeltsin, the Council of Ministers - the Government of the Russian Federation, headed by Chairman Viktor Chernomyrdin, Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov and a number of regional leaders, some people's deputies are supporters of Yeltsin; on the other hand, the leadership of the Supreme Soviet and most of the people's deputies, headed by R. I. Khasbulatov, as well as the vice-president of Russia, A. V. Rutskoi, and some other representatives of the legislative branch. The cause of the conflict was the differences in the ideas of the parties to the conflict about reforming the constitutional system, about the new Constitution, as well as about the ways of Russia's socio-economic development. The result of the crisis was a coup d'etat, as a result of which the Congress of People's Deputies and the Supreme Soviet were dissolved, and the Soviets of People's Deputies were liquidated - Russia became a presidential republic.

• Interwar crisis in Chechnya (1997-1999) - a conflict between moderate nationalists and Wahhabis in the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria. The cause of the crisis was the activation of the Wahhabis in neighboring Dagestan, which split the government of Ichkeria into moderate nationalists who wanted to pursue a policy of non-intervention, and radical Islamists who advocated helping "brothers in faith." The result of the conflict was the invasion of Chechen Islamists into Dagestan.

• Adzharian crisis (2004) - conflict between the central government and the authorities of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara in Georgia. The cause of the crisis was the actual usurpation of power in the Autonomous Republic of Adjara by Aslan Abashidze and the unstable situation in Georgia after a series of wars, as well as the Rose Revolution itself. The result of the crisis was the complete subordination of the autonomous republic to the city authorities.

• The political crisis in Ukraine in 2006 is a conflict between the executive (President, Prime Minister, Cabinet of Ministers) and legislative power (Verkhovna Rada). The result was the resolution of the Verkhovna Rada on the resignation of the government. The government nevertheless continued to work, and the decision of the Verkhovna Rada on the resignation of the government was already canceled by the new composition of the Ukrainian parliament.

• The political crisis in Ukraine in 2007 is a conflict between Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and President Viktor Yushchenko. The cause of the crisis was the desire of Prime Minister Yanukovych to expand his power and limit the power of President Yushchenko. The result was the dissolution of the parliament by the President and the re-election of the parliament, as a result of which Yulia Tymoshenko became Prime Minister.

• The political crisis in Ukraine (2013-2014) associated with the removal of Viktor Yanukovych from power.

• Crimean crisis. The conflict between the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the new government in Ukraine that came to power in 2014. The result of the crisis was the proclamation of the independent Republic of Crimea and its annexation to Russia.

Notes

1. Algis Prazauskas. "The CIS as a post-colonial space". "Nezavisimaya Gazeta", Moscow: February 7, 1992
2. Russian Foreign Ministry: The West recognized the Baltic states as part of the USSR
3. Compare: Map of railways of the CIS and the Baltic states. Archived from the original on January 4, 2013. . Telephone codes cities of the CIS and the Baltic states, Legislation on the media in the CIS and the Baltic countries, etc.
4. A new integration project for Eurasia - the future that is born today
5. Georgia leaves the CIS
6. Working group discusses Uzbekistan’s accession to EurAsEC
7. London: no more post-Soviet space
8. Vladimir Kryuchkov: "I was only the chairman of the KGB"
9. Serzh Sargsyan: It seems that an attempt to organize a "color revolution" in Armenia really took place.
10. President of Moldova: They tried to stage a color revolution in Chisinau

Links

• A selection of articles and books about conflicts in the republics of the former USSR in the library of the scientific and educational journal "Skepsis"
• Passports of the countries of the post-Soviet space
• Postsovet.RU is an information and analytical online resource that combines the formats of an Internet newspaper and social network. The main objective of the project is to objectively and comprehensively cover the political, economic and socio-cultural processes taking place in the post-Soviet space.
• CIS and Baltic REC SSU - online portal of the Scientific and Educational Center for Cooperation with the CIS and Baltic States of Saratov state university named after N. G. Chernyshevsky. Contains news from the post-Soviet space, articles, expert comments on the most pressing issues, materials from Internet conferences and analytical reports. Additional site address
• Sievert Sh., Zakharov S., Klingholz R. After the USSR: from a demographic superpower to a hotbed of crisis Demoscope № 475-476

post-Soviet space of options, post-Soviet space for, post-Soviet space series, post-Soviet space of meanings

Not everyone can afford to travel to Thailand or Cyprus this summer. However, in the domestic open spaces there is where to relax. Especially since in the countries of the former Soviet Union in recent years grow up not even new hotels, but entire resort towns. We will tell you about the 6 best new places to stay in the ex-USSR.

Olympic Adler, Russia

Santa Barbara, Crimea

Bukovel, Ukraine

Anaklia, Georgia

Khazar Islands, Azerbaijan

Avaza, Turkmenistan

In this review, we talked about 6 new resort cities in the post-Soviet space, built from scratch in recent years. For those who are going to spend their holidays this year without traveling far abroad, the review will probably also be useful.

The post-Soviet space, also known as the republics of the former USSR, the countries of the CIS and the Baltic states, or the near abroad (as opposed to the far abroad - countries that were never part of the USSR), are independent states that seceded from the Soviet Union during its collapse in 1991 year.

Post-Soviet states are usually divided into the following five groups. The principle by which the state is assigned to one group or another is based on geographical and cultural factors, as well as on the history of relations with Russia.

- Russia usually regarded as a separate category, due to its dominant role in the region.

- the Baltics: Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia.

- Eastern Europe: Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova.

- Transcaucasia: Georgia, Armenia and Azerbaijan.

- central Asia: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan.

After the collapse of the USSR, several international organizations and commonwealths emerged in the region.

The three Baltic states did not join any of these post-Soviet organizations, their course was initially and unequivocally aimed at integrating only into the Western world (including joining the European Union and NATO).

Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)- an interstate association created to develop cooperation in the political, economic, humanitarian, cultural and other fields. It included all the former republics of the USSR, except for the Baltic states. Turkmenistan and Ukraine are "associated members" of the CIS, while Georgia, which declared its withdrawal from the CIS after the war in South Ossetia, ceased to be a member of the CIS on August 18, 2009.

Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO)- Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Armenia. The task of the CSTO is to coordinate and unite efforts in the fight against international terrorism and extremism, illicit trafficking in narcotic drugs and psychotropic substances. Azerbaijan, Georgia and Uzbekistan left the CSTO.

Organization for Democracy and Economic Development (GUAM)) - Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova. GUAM is seen by many as an organization created to counter Russia's dominance in the region. GUAM member states are not included in any other organization created on the territory of the former USSR, with the exception of the CIS

Eurasian Economic Community (EurAsEC)-Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan on the basis of the CIS Customs Union. Armenia, Moldova, Ukraine have the status of observers in this community.

Central Asian Cooperation (CACO)- Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan - was established in 2002. On October 6, 2005, at the CAC summit, it was decided, in connection with the forthcoming accession of Uzbekistan to the Eurasian Economic Community, to prepare documents for the creation of a united organization CAC-EurAsEC, that is, in fact, it was decided to abolish CAC.

Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO)- China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. The organization was founded in 2001 on the basis of the predecessor organization, which was called the "Shanghai Five", and existed since 1996. The tasks of the organization are mainly related to security issues.

Since gaining sovereignty in 1991, the Newly Independent States (NIS) have begun to move along divergent development trajectories, gradually moving away from the Soviet legacy. The common choice was market transformation. But countries used different models economic reforms, had different structural priorities, carried out transformations at different rates, and were included in international economic relations in different ways.

In the course of the formation of statehood, differences in strategic orientations also intensified. The growing divergence of countries was also due to the interest of third countries in them, which sought to expand markets for their products, provide alternative energy supplies, strengthen geopolitical positions in the post-Soviet space, and so on.

In the early and mid-1990s, all the NIS suffered a deep economic recession. The hardest hit were Moldova, Georgia, Ukraine, Armenia, Tajikistan and Azerbaijan, which more than halved the physical volume of GDP compared to 1989. WITH least loss 90s Uzbekistan, Belarus and Estonia passed. The scale of the decline depended on many factors. Among them, it is worth highlighting the nature of the reforms being carried out - the countries that carried out the transformation according to the shock model, on average, suffered more than the countries that carried out reforms according to the conservative scenario. For many NIS, the financial crisis of 1998 in Russia, their main trading partner, proved to be very sensitive.

In 2000-2007 the post-Soviet region is a rapidly growing part of the world economy. But growth rates varied widely across countries. For 2000-2011 The GDP of Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan (in constant prices) increased 4 times, Kazakhstan - 2.4 times, Tajikistan - 2.3 times. The GDP of Armenia, Uzbekistan and Belarus more than doubled, and Georgia almost doubled. The GDP of the Baltic States, Kyrgyzstan, Moldova, Ukraine and Russia during this period increased by 1.5-1.7 times.

Over the past decade, the growth leaders in the post-Soviet space have become countries rich in energy resources. Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan had the opportunity to significantly increase their export potential, primarily in the production of hydrocarbons. It was in these countries that the highest growth rates of investment in fixed capital were noted. In Russia, Uzbekistan, and Ukraine, economic growth was almost equally supported by domestic demand, investment in fixed assets, and increased export supplies.

The CIS countries have suffered much more from the global financial and economic crisis compared to other regions of the world. The fall in real GDP in the CIS region in 2009 was -6.4%, which was three times the decline in the world economy (based on the exchange rate). But the crisis hit even harder the Baltic countries, whose economic recession began in 2008. There, foreign banks, which form the basis of national banking systems, acted as “crisis carriers”.

In 2010-2011 The Central Asian countries showed the highest rates of economic growth, which is associated with the recovery of remittances from labor migrants after the decline in 2009 and the growth of foreign trade with China. The Baltic countries emerged from the crisis much more slowly. In the first half of 2011, Belarus was gripped by a currency crisis, a delayed manifestation of the 2009 crisis.

In general, according to the results of the twenty years, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan and Kazakhstan showed the highest dynamics of the economy, more than doubling their GDP compared to 1991. The losers should also include Moldova and Ukraine, whose GDP in 2011 was a quarter less than twenty years ago. Economic growth in these countries in the 2000s was not high enough due to domestic political instability, which did not allow them to “win back” the losses of the 1990s.

Integration trends in the post-Soviet space are generated by the following main factors:

A division of labor that could not be completely changed in a short period of time. In many cases, this was also inexpedient, since the existing division of labor largely corresponded to the natural, climatic and historical conditions of development;

Long-term cohabitation within one state of many peoples. It has created a dense "fabric of relations" in various fields and forms. Hence the desire of the broad masses of the population in the countries - members of the CIS to maintain fairly close mutual ties;

Technological interdependence, uniform technical norms.

Complexity of integration processes in the post-Soviet space lies at its core. Some of the most important factors hindering integration trends include the following:

Unbalanced economic development among the post-Soviet states

Growth of cultural and religious differences

The policy of certain heads of state that runs counter to integration processes

A number of external factors (influence of external players).

The main threats to the global order emanating from the post-Soviet space are reduced to such as the uncontrolled leakage of materials and technologies suitable for the production of nuclear and chemical weapons; territorial claims fraught with escalation into conflicts and wars; nationalism and religious fundamentalism capable of encouraging intolerance and ethnic cleansing; man-made and environmental disasters; uncontrolled migration processes; drug business; strengthening of international terrorism, etc.

Over the twenty years of sovereign existence, the post-Soviet space has changed a lot in terms of levels and conditions of socio-economic development. The highest growth rates were in the oil and gas producing countries, which have found their niches in the global and regional economy. But the narrow profile of their participation in the international economy, as the 2008 crisis showed, does not guarantee against economic shocks. Not protected from the economic failure of the Baltic countries and membership in the EU.

The post-Soviet countries are still far behind the developed part of the world. The most successful of them are only at the average world level of development. This is the result of an unprecedented de-industrialization that occurred as a result of market transformation and the collapse of the USSR. The pace of deindustrialization has slowed down by the end of the twenty years, but so far there is no reason to assert that it has stopped completely.

All post-Soviet countries, regardless of the development model, are small in terms of the size of the domestic market (with the exception of Russia) and represent a peripheral and semi-peripheral part of the world economy. For all countries, growth problems directly or indirectly depend on the situation in the world oil market. Among them, only exporters of hydrocarbons can pursue a relatively independent economic policy. But its implementation is hindered by a shortage of personnel, the weakness of the innovation sector, and the system of existing public administration.

The post-Soviet countries, as you know, are seriously lagging behind the developed part of the world. The most successful of them are only at the average world level of development. All this is the result of an unprecedented de-industrialization that occurred as a result of market transformation and the collapse of the USSR. In order to compensate for the losses incurred in the 1990s, all post-Soviet countries are interested in stable economic growth rates that exceed the world average.

The economic growth of the early 2000s was not accompanied by a technological breakthrough, large-scale renewal of the production part of the economy and specialization of the post-Soviet countries in the world economy. On the contrary, their function as a supplier of energy resources and raw materials for the EU and Chinese markets has been strengthened. According to the factors and conditions of economic development, the countries under consideration can be divided into three groups.

The first group consists of Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan - countries with different levels of liberalization and openness of the economy, which combine broad opportunities to increase export potential in traditional industries, primarily in the fuel and energy sector. TNCs are actively involved in the development of the hydrocarbon sector. It was in these countries in the zero years that the highest GDP growth rates were observed with a growing positive balance of foreign trade. Part of the hydrocarbon dollars is accumulated in special funds of these countries, which provides them with a fairly stable financial position.

But all these countries, despite efforts to diversify their industries, are prone to Dutch disease. With a steady influx of financial resources, they have limited domestic markets for the products of many modern industries. Import in most cases is more profitable than national production. Certain restrictions on diversification are introduced by the shortage of labor force with the necessary qualifications. The most active attempts at diversification are carried out by Kazakhstan on the basis of foreign investments and technologies. For the countries of this development model, fluctuations in prices for hydrocarbons and infrastructural conditions for the delivery of hydrocarbons to the markets pose serious risks. It is the latter circumstance that determines their interest in regional cooperation.

Russia has a similar type of economy. These countries are important for it from the point of view of both competition in the world hydrocarbon markets and partnership in the fuel and energy sector. Large revenues from the export of hydrocarbons expand the domestic demand of these countries, which may be of interest to Russian producers. Russia accounts for less than 10% of the exports of these countries, its share in their imports is 2-3 times higher. Russia faces the same problems as in these countries, and it is interested in the experience of these countries in conducting monetary and financial policy, diversifying and modernizing the national economy in the world economy.

The other, most numerous group consists of energy importing countries. These countries, with large differences, are united by a stable negative balance of foreign trade, chronic problems of the balance of payments, which they solve by exporting labor, attracting foreign investment, loans and assistance. All of these countries have a weaker financial base for development. The risks and threats for the countries of this group are rapidly changing terms of trade, primarily due to the growth of world energy prices, which seriously affect the state of the balance of payments, budget and debt. The countries of this particular group - Armenia, Georgia, Moldova, Ukraine, and Belarus, have suffered the most from the global financial and economic crisis. The situation was aggravated by the fact that the exports of these countries largely depended on demand in the EU and Russian markets, which fell sharply during the crisis. At the same time, capital flows from these countries also declined sharply.

The countries in this group are generally pursuing a more liberal and open economic policy. They see the solution to their development problems in integration either with the EU or with post-Soviet regional entities. For them, wide access to the markets of goods, services, labor and capital of partner countries is important. The share of Russia in the foreign trade of these countries ranges from 10 to 50%.

The countries of this development model can be divided into two subgroups - small countries: Armenia, Georgia, Moldova, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan with a narrow sectoral structure of the production sector and larger Ukraine and Belarus with a diversified industrial structure, which play an important role as a transit territory in mutual trade and economic relations between Russia and the EU.

The third group is Uzbekistan. The specificity of this country, which occupies a middle position in Central Asia, is determined by a closed foreign economic policy. This country is self-sufficient in terms of energy resources and has no particular problems in the balance of payments. With a small export potential, it has a relatively diversified industry that focuses on a fairly capacious domestic market and the markets of neighboring countries. Domestic demand is determined both by growing investments in fixed capital and by remittances from labor migrants. Threats to the country's economy create fluctuations in the demand for its goods and labor, as well as in terms of obtaining foreign loans and investments.

All post-Soviet countries, regardless of the development model, are small in terms of the size of their domestic market, they represent a peripheral and semi-peripheral part of the world economy, and largely depend on the conjuncture of world commodity and financial markets and on relations with more powerful neighbors. For all the countries under consideration, growth problems directly or indirectly depend on the situation in the world oil market. Among them, only exporters of hydrocarbons can pursue a relatively independent economic policy. But its implementation is hindered by a shortage of personnel, the weakness of the innovation sector, and the system of existing public administration.

Market transformation in the CIS countries has not yet been accompanied by a broad structural and technological modernization of the production part of the economy. Feeling an urgent need for modernization, in the formation of a new profile of the national economy as part of the world economy, these countries are experiencing a shortage of financial and intellectual resources for its implementation. Modernization here is mainly manifested in the technological renewal of industries working for the domestic market and traditional export industries.

The Russian factor in the development of these countries today is manifested primarily in the restoration and development of traditional industries. Russia largely influences the economies of the CIS countries through export prices and duties on hydrocarbons, consumption of their traditional exports, labor imports, through exports and imports of transit services, investments and activities of Russian companies. The modernization impulse from Russia, expressed in the emergence of new technologies and industries in the Commonwealth countries, is still rather weak. It is mainly expressed in the borrowing of Russian design of market innovations, accelerated development thanks to Russian companies, mobile communications and the Internet. As the 2000s showed, Russia relayed the fluctuations of the world market situation to the economies of most countries during both the boom and the recession.

The second half of the past decade was marked by increased efforts by Russia and other Commonwealth countries to create a multilateral free trade area (FTA) within the CIS and a Customs Union (CU) within the EurAsEC. The formation of regional trade and economic blocs does not directly ensure sustainable rates of development of the participating countries, progressive structural changes in their economies, equalization of development levels, but creates prerequisites for this in the form of expanding the market space, increasing the efficiency of using available resources, expanding consumer choice and strengthening competition. between manufacturers.

The post-Soviet countries, as a result of the industrial simplification that has taken place and with the widespread use of measures of non-tariff and administrative containment of unwanted imports, cannot productively expand their market space. The economic growth of energy importing countries is more affected by the dynamics of hydrocarbon prices than by the liberalization of mutual trade in finished products.

Belarus' interest in the CU and the SES is largely dictated by the promised "integration discount" on gas prices and the abolition of the export duty on oil by the CU countries. For the effective use of a wider market space, a coordinated modernization of the economies of the countries participating in integration projects is necessary.

At present, the post-Soviet countries are increasingly using business ideas and technologies borrowed from third countries to modernize the national economy, which leads to the formation of cross-border technological chains and the outstripping growth of trade with them, which is manifested in the growth of technological and trade cooperation with third countries. The share of mutual trade of the post-Soviet countries (in the total volume) for the zero years decreased from 28.5 to 22.5%. The situation is, of course, ambiguous. The CU and FTZ are created in order to trade in products based on technologies from third countries. However, the catch-up development model allows for this.

But, in my opinion, within certain limits, since it is aimed at creating conditions for the sale of products, and not cross-border production and technological chains that form the substrate of an integration association. As world experience shows, the success of an integration group and its sustainable development depends on how much it relies on national technological developments and what its place is in the global innovation process.

It is the regional technological and product innovations, which are receiving worldwide recognition, that underlie the growth of mutual trade and national economies. Russia should initiate the creation of a post-Soviet innovation region with a claim (in some innovation segments) to global technological leadership. The international innovation region involves cooperation between countries at all stages of innovation redistribution, fundamental science, applied science, developments and prototypes, mass production. Now the contours of such an innovative region are visible in the Union State. It is the formation of such a region with the preservation of the raw material role of the post-Soviet countries in the world economy, in my opinion, that can ensure sustainable growth rates for their economies.